23 thoughts on “Revisiting the African Slave Trade Story – History in Video”
I IS humble. unducated man.yet God used him to start the peace process in mozambque.His name is not mentioned in any offical document.all he did was arrange a meeting between two of his acquaintance kenyan Ambassador Bethuel kiplagat and mozambica.but that introduction set in motion the events that led to a peace treaty after a 10 year civil war.
Sudan combines the lands of several ancient kingdoms.
Northern Sudan’s earliest historical record comes from Egyptian sources, which described the land upstream from the First Cataract, called Kush, as “wretched.” For more than two thousand years the Old Kingdom (c.2700-2180 BC), had a dominating and significant influence over its southern neighbour, and even afterward, the legacy of Egyptian cultural and religious introductions remained important.[1]
Over the centuries, trade developed. Egyptian caravans carried grain to Kush and returned to Aswan with ivory, incense, hides, and carnelian (a stone prized both as jewelry and for arrowheads) for shipment downriver. Egyptian governors particularly valued gold in Nubia and soldiers in the pharaoh’s army. Egyptian military expeditions penetrated Kush periodically during the Old Kingdom. Yet there was no attempt to establish a permanent presence in the area until the Middle Kingdom (c.2100-1720 BC), when Egypt constructed a network of forts along the Nile as far south as Samnah, in southern Egypt, to guard the flow of gold from mines in Wawat.[1]
Aerial view of the Nubian pyramids at Meroe (2001).
Around 1720 BC, Semitic Canaanite nomads called Hyksos took over Egypt, ended the Middle Kingdom, severed links with Kush, and destroyed the forts along the Nile River. To fill the vacuum left by the Egyptian withdrawal, a culturally distinct indigenous Kushite kingdom emerged at Karmah, near present-day Dunqulah. After Egyptian power revived during the New Kingdom (c.1570-1100 BC), the pharaoh Ahmose I incorporated Kush as an Egyptian ruled province governed by a viceroy. Although Egypt’s administrative control of Kush extended only down to the fourth cataract, Egyptian sources list tributary districts reaching to the Red Sea and upstream to the confluence of the Blue Nile and White Nile rivers. Egyptian authorities ensured the loyalty of local chiefs by drafting their children to serve as pages at the pharaoh’s court. Egypt also expected tribute in gold and slaves from local Kushite chiefs.[1]
Once Egypt had established political and military mastery over Kush, officials, priests merchants and artisans settled in the region. The Egyptian language became widely used in everyday activities. Many rich Kushites took to worshipping Egyptian gods and built temples for them. The temples remained centers of official religious worship until the coming of Christianity to the region during the 6th century AD. When Egyptian influence declined or succumbed to foreign domination, the Kushite elite regarded themselves as central powers and believed themselves as idols
A collection of case studies of nine African countries, Civil Wars in Africa provides a comparative perspective on the causes of civil war and the processes by which internal conflict may be resolved or averted. The book focuses on the wars in Ethiopia, Liberia, Mozambique, Rwanda, Somalia, Sudan, and Uganda as well as the experiences of Tanzania and Zimbabwe, where civil war was averted, to underline conditions under which conflict can most successfully be managed.
John Kiyaga-Nsubuga focuses on Yoweri Museveni and his National Resistance Movement regime’s attempt to bring peace to Uganda. John Prendergast and Mark Duffield look at Ethiopia’s long civil war and the role of liberation politics and external engagement. Bruce Jones studies the ethnic roots of the civil war in Rwanda. Elwood Dunn explores political manipulation and ethnic differences as causes of civil strife in Liberia. John Saul examines the role of Western powers in establishing peace in Mozambique. Hussein Adam describes the collapse of the authoritarian regime in Somalia and the subsequent rise of inter-clan and sub-clan rivalry. Taisier Ali and Robert Matthews argue that the forty-year conflict in Sudan is much more complex than the usual view that it results from the pitting of the Arab, Islamic North against the African, Christian South.
Shifting the focus to how internal unrest may be managed, Hevina Dashwood examines government initiatives undertaken to maintain stability in Zimbabwe and Cranford Pratt describes the policies and institutions developed by Nyerere that enabled Tanzania to avoid ethnic, regional, and religious factionalism and intra-elite rivalries. James Busumtwi-Sam explores multilateral third-party intervention, highlighting the changing role of the OAU and the United Nations and their effectiveness in averting war. The concluding chapter draws together findings from the individual case studies and incorporates them into the larger corpus of the literature.
Review quotes
“Civil Wars in Africa is an excellent book that makes a solid contribution to scholarship and to the literature on civil wars and conflict resolution.” Ken Grundy, Department of Political Science, Case Western Reserve University
“[Civil Wars in Africa] offers some unique insights into the processes of peace building. The scholarship is not only sound, it is meticulous and of the highest quality. The study represents a major contribution to research in this field because of its discussion of comparative lessons from the various case studies and its attempt to apply these lessons to future conflicts.” Fen Hampson, Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University
Taisier M. Ali, formerly professor of political economy at the University of Khartoum, is presently a visiting scholar in the Department of Political Science, University of Toronto.
Robert O. Matthews is professor of political science, University of Toronto.
In April 1994, shortly after concluding peace negotiations with the RPF that called for UN peacekeeping forces to be stationed in Rwanda, President Habyarimana and Burundian president Cyprien Ntaryamira were killed when their plane was shot down near Kigali. Responsibility for the attack has not been established. Habyarimana’s death provoked a wave of ethnic violence, prompting UN Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali to accuse the Hutu-dominated Rwandan Army of genocide against the Tutsi. At the height of the violence, the UN forces, lacking a mandate to protect civilians, abandoned Kigali. Over the next few months, it is estimated that between 500,000 and 1 million Rwandans, mostly Tutsi, were massacred. The RPF army pushed toward Kigali, and a civil war ensued. In June the French government sent 2,500 troops to Rwanda to establish a safe area in the southwestern part of the country. But attempts to mediate a cease-fire failed as the RPF mounted a successful final assault.
After capturing the capital of Kigali, RPF troops began to drive the Rwandan Army and Hutu civilians northwest, toward the Rwanda-Zaire border. Retaliatory violence by Tutsi claimed several thousand lives, including that of the Roman Catholic archbishop of Kigali. By mid-July, an estimated 1.2 million Rwandans had fled the advancing RPF army across the border and into Zaire, forming enormous refugee camps around the city of Goma. By early August, an estimated one-quarter of the prewar population of Rwanda had either died or fled the country. International relief efforts were mobilized to care for the refugees, but available supplies were inadequate and outbreaks of disease were widespread. In the midst of the squalor of the camps, more than 20,000 refugees died in a cholera epidemic.
A cease-fire was declared in July, and an RPF-backed government was established with Pasteur Bizimungu, a moderate Hutu, as president. The RPF made a point of including other groups in the government. Many Tutsi refugees began to return to Rwanda, including refugees who had fled in the 1960s, but the repatriation of Hutu refugees was slower, as many feared reprisals.
Former United States president Jimmy Carter sponsored a summit in Cairo, Egypt, in November 1995, on the issue of Rwandan refugees. The summit was attended by the presidents of Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda, and Zaire, and a representative from Tanzania. An agreement was reached to work to return refugees to Rwanda. In the next months refugees began returning in large numbers from Burundi and Tanzania, but few returned from Zaire. The UN mission in Rwanda ended in March 1996.
Throughout 1996 more than 1 million Rwandan refugees, most of them Hutu, remained in camps in Zaire. The civil war that erupted in eastern Zaire in late 1996 revealed that these camps contained small percentages of armed Hutu militias. These Hutu, likely the same who led or participated in the 1994 massacres of Tutsi, used the huge refugee camps as places of refuge while they organized raids into Rwanda with the goal of overthrowing the RPF government. The Hutu refugees remained in the camps either out of fear of Tutsi retribution in Rwanda or because they were held against their will by the militias. The militias clashed with the largely Tutsi eastern Zairian rebels around Lake Kivu, often very close to the border between Rwanda and Zaire. The Hutu militias were aided by the Zairian government, the Tutsi rebels in Zaire by the Rwandan government. Cross-border artillery shelling was reported near Gisenyi, north of Lake Kivu.
In October and November 1996 the Tutsi rebels successfully routed Hutu militias in several huge refugee camps near the border. Some 800,000 Rwandans poured home, but several hundred thousand remained in Zaire. As the civil war spread and the rebels gained territory, the Rwandan refugees were forced west, deeper into the jungles of Zaire. Despite international outcry over their plight, the constantly moving refugees remained largely beyond the reach of aid workers. By the end of Zaire’s civil war in May, tens of thousands of Rwandan refugees had been killed in the fighting, or had died of disease or starvation.
The UN voted in late 1994 to establish the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, which opened in Arusha, Tanzania, in 1996. Trials began in early 1997, but the UN tribunal has been criticized for mismanagement, poor organization, and its slow pace. The RPF government began its own trials of more than 120,000 people accused of crimes related to the 1994 massacres in 1996. Meanwhile, Rwanda was again plagued with outbursts of ethnic violence in 1997. Hutu guerrillas, who presumably returned to Rwanda from Zaire with the flood of Hutu refugees in late 1996, slaughtered Tutsi in a series of attacks in 1997.
In March 2000 Bizimungu resigned the presidency after clashing with the RPF over the composition of a new cabinet and accusing parliament of targeting Hutu politicians in anticorruption investigations. Bizimungu was succeeded by vice president and defense minister Paul Kagame. Kagame, the former head of the RPF rebels, had long been considered Rwanda’s real political leader. Kagame became the first Tutsi president since the nation’s independence.
I IS humble. unducated man.yet God used him to start the peace process in mozambque.His name is not mentioned in any offical document.all he did was arrange a meeting between two of his acquaintance kenyan Ambassador Bethuel kiplagat and mozambica.but that introduction set in motion the events that led to a peace treaty after a 10 year civil war.
Sudan combines the lands of several ancient kingdoms.
Northern Sudan’s earliest historical record comes from Egyptian sources, which described the land upstream from the First Cataract, called Kush, as “wretched.” For more than two thousand years the Old Kingdom (c.2700-2180 BC), had a dominating and significant influence over its southern neighbour, and even afterward, the legacy of Egyptian cultural and religious introductions remained important.[1]
Over the centuries, trade developed. Egyptian caravans carried grain to Kush and returned to Aswan with ivory, incense, hides, and carnelian (a stone prized both as jewelry and for arrowheads) for shipment downriver. Egyptian governors particularly valued gold in Nubia and soldiers in the pharaoh’s army. Egyptian military expeditions penetrated Kush periodically during the Old Kingdom. Yet there was no attempt to establish a permanent presence in the area until the Middle Kingdom (c.2100-1720 BC), when Egypt constructed a network of forts along the Nile as far south as Samnah, in southern Egypt, to guard the flow of gold from mines in Wawat.[1]
Aerial view of the Nubian pyramids at Meroe (2001).
Around 1720 BC, Semitic Canaanite nomads called Hyksos took over Egypt, ended the Middle Kingdom, severed links with Kush, and destroyed the forts along the Nile River. To fill the vacuum left by the Egyptian withdrawal, a culturally distinct indigenous Kushite kingdom emerged at Karmah, near present-day Dunqulah. After Egyptian power revived during the New Kingdom (c.1570-1100 BC), the pharaoh Ahmose I incorporated Kush as an Egyptian ruled province governed by a viceroy. Although Egypt’s administrative control of Kush extended only down to the fourth cataract, Egyptian sources list tributary districts reaching to the Red Sea and upstream to the confluence of the Blue Nile and White Nile rivers. Egyptian authorities ensured the loyalty of local chiefs by drafting their children to serve as pages at the pharaoh’s court. Egypt also expected tribute in gold and slaves from local Kushite chiefs.[1]
Once Egypt had established political and military mastery over Kush, officials, priests merchants and artisans settled in the region. The Egyptian language became widely used in everyday activities. Many rich Kushites took to worshipping Egyptian gods and built temples for them. The temples remained centers of official religious worship until the coming of Christianity to the region during the 6th century AD. When Egyptian influence declined or succumbed to foreign domination, the Kushite elite regarded themselves as central powers and believed themselves as idols
Development Studies: African Studies History: African Military, Security, & Conflict Studies
Table of Contents
A collection of case studies of nine African countries, Civil Wars in Africa provides a comparative perspective on the causes of civil war and the processes by which internal conflict may be resolved or averted. The book focuses on the wars in Ethiopia, Liberia, Mozambique, Rwanda, Somalia, Sudan, and Uganda as well as the experiences of Tanzania and Zimbabwe, where civil war was averted, to underline conditions under which conflict can most successfully be managed.
John Kiyaga-Nsubuga focuses on Yoweri Museveni and his National Resistance Movement regime’s attempt to bring peace to Uganda. John Prendergast and Mark Duffield look at Ethiopia’s long civil war and the role of liberation politics and external engagement. Bruce Jones studies the ethnic roots of the civil war in Rwanda. Elwood Dunn explores political manipulation and ethnic differences as causes of civil strife in Liberia. John Saul examines the role of Western powers in establishing peace in Mozambique. Hussein Adam describes the collapse of the authoritarian regime in Somalia and the subsequent rise of inter-clan and sub-clan rivalry. Taisier Ali and Robert Matthews argue that the forty-year conflict in Sudan is much more complex than the usual view that it results from the pitting of the Arab, Islamic North against the African, Christian South.
Shifting the focus to how internal unrest may be managed, Hevina Dashwood examines government initiatives undertaken to maintain stability in Zimbabwe and Cranford Pratt describes the policies and institutions developed by Nyerere that enabled Tanzania to avoid ethnic, regional, and religious factionalism and intra-elite rivalries. James Busumtwi-Sam explores multilateral third-party intervention, highlighting the changing role of the OAU and the United Nations and their effectiveness in averting war. The concluding chapter draws together findings from the individual case studies and incorporates them into the larger corpus of the literature.
Review quotes
“Civil Wars in Africa is an excellent book that makes a solid contribution to scholarship and to the literature on civil wars and conflict resolution.” Ken Grundy, Department of Political Science, Case Western Reserve University
“[Civil Wars in Africa] offers some unique insights into the processes of peace building. The scholarship is not only sound, it is meticulous and of the highest quality. The study represents a major contribution to research in this field because of its discussion of comparative lessons from the various case studies and its attempt to apply these lessons to future conflicts.” Fen Hampson, Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University
Taisier M. Ali, formerly professor of political economy at the University of Khartoum, is presently a visiting scholar in the Department of Political Science, University of Toronto.
Robert O. Matthews is professor of political science, University of Toronto.
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History, Civil War
In April 1994, shortly after concluding peace negotiations with the RPF that called for UN peacekeeping forces to be stationed in Rwanda, President Habyarimana and Burundian president Cyprien Ntaryamira were killed when their plane was shot down near Kigali. Responsibility for the attack has not been established. Habyarimana’s death provoked a wave of ethnic violence, prompting UN Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali to accuse the Hutu-dominated Rwandan Army of genocide against the Tutsi. At the height of the violence, the UN forces, lacking a mandate to protect civilians, abandoned Kigali. Over the next few months, it is estimated that between 500,000 and 1 million Rwandans, mostly Tutsi, were massacred. The RPF army pushed toward Kigali, and a civil war ensued. In June the French government sent 2,500 troops to Rwanda to establish a safe area in the southwestern part of the country. But attempts to mediate a cease-fire failed as the RPF mounted a successful final assault.
After capturing the capital of Kigali, RPF troops began to drive the Rwandan Army and Hutu civilians northwest, toward the Rwanda-Zaire border. Retaliatory violence by Tutsi claimed several thousand lives, including that of the Roman Catholic archbishop of Kigali. By mid-July, an estimated 1.2 million Rwandans had fled the advancing RPF army across the border and into Zaire, forming enormous refugee camps around the city of Goma. By early August, an estimated one-quarter of the prewar population of Rwanda had either died or fled the country. International relief efforts were mobilized to care for the refugees, but available supplies were inadequate and outbreaks of disease were widespread. In the midst of the squalor of the camps, more than 20,000 refugees died in a cholera epidemic.
A cease-fire was declared in July, and an RPF-backed government was established with Pasteur Bizimungu, a moderate Hutu, as president. The RPF made a point of including other groups in the government. Many Tutsi refugees began to return to Rwanda, including refugees who had fled in the 1960s, but the repatriation of Hutu refugees was slower, as many feared reprisals.
Former United States president Jimmy Carter sponsored a summit in Cairo, Egypt, in November 1995, on the issue of Rwandan refugees. The summit was attended by the presidents of Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda, and Zaire, and a representative from Tanzania. An agreement was reached to work to return refugees to Rwanda. In the next months refugees began returning in large numbers from Burundi and Tanzania, but few returned from Zaire. The UN mission in Rwanda ended in March 1996.
Throughout 1996 more than 1 million Rwandan refugees, most of them Hutu, remained in camps in Zaire. The civil war that erupted in eastern Zaire in late 1996 revealed that these camps contained small percentages of armed Hutu militias. These Hutu, likely the same who led or participated in the 1994 massacres of Tutsi, used the huge refugee camps as places of refuge while they organized raids into Rwanda with the goal of overthrowing the RPF government. The Hutu refugees remained in the camps either out of fear of Tutsi retribution in Rwanda or because they were held against their will by the militias. The militias clashed with the largely Tutsi eastern Zairian rebels around Lake Kivu, often very close to the border between Rwanda and Zaire. The Hutu militias were aided by the Zairian government, the Tutsi rebels in Zaire by the Rwandan government. Cross-border artillery shelling was reported near Gisenyi, north of Lake Kivu.
In October and November 1996 the Tutsi rebels successfully routed Hutu militias in several huge refugee camps near the border. Some 800,000 Rwandans poured home, but several hundred thousand remained in Zaire. As the civil war spread and the rebels gained territory, the Rwandan refugees were forced west, deeper into the jungles of Zaire. Despite international outcry over their plight, the constantly moving refugees remained largely beyond the reach of aid workers. By the end of Zaire’s civil war in May, tens of thousands of Rwandan refugees had been killed in the fighting, or had died of disease or starvation.
The UN voted in late 1994 to establish the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, which opened in Arusha, Tanzania, in 1996. Trials began in early 1997, but the UN tribunal has been criticized for mismanagement, poor organization, and its slow pace. The RPF government began its own trials of more than 120,000 people accused of crimes related to the 1994 massacres in 1996. Meanwhile, Rwanda was again plagued with outbursts of ethnic violence in 1997. Hutu guerrillas, who presumably returned to Rwanda from Zaire with the flood of Hutu refugees in late 1996, slaughtered Tutsi in a series of attacks in 1997.
In March 2000 Bizimungu resigned the presidency after clashing with the RPF over the composition of a new cabinet and accusing parliament of targeting Hutu politicians in anticorruption investigations. Bizimungu was succeeded by vice president and defense minister Paul Kagame. Kagame, the former head of the RPF rebels, had long been considered Rwanda’s real political leader. Kagame became the first Tutsi president since the nation’s independence.
on the subject look at intersting work of an Elder!
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tight right exact official knowledge here all the people need too know,stricta ius exigere scientium hic omnes in populus postulo ad scire gratius